Sunday

Various 🌍Offers🎁



 Welcome, Citizens of All countries of the world. 
Free Products for you ❤️
                           
         










https://singingfiles.com/show.php?l=0&u=125344&id=58835

Wednesday

Watch Alif Laila Full episode HD 1-6




Watch & Download Full HD Movie Blue Beetle ( Note:Just touch on the pic below to Go Foward)


The Value Of Wealth


 January 31, 2020 Posted by MD. Ayub

We need to do a lot more thinking, and take a far more critical look at ourselves, than we do at present. We’re not even playing it safe, we’re only playing it easy. And that’s just not enough. The marches in Paris and numerous other cities today were attended by people who mean well, but who should ask themselves if they want to be part of what was predictably turned into a propaganda event by ‘world leaders’. One thing is for sure; the murdered Charlie Hebdo staff would not have approved of it.
The leaders hark back to usual suspect slogans like we defend ‘Liberty’, ‘Freedom of Expression’ and ‘Our Values’. But we can’t turn our backs on the fact that ‘our values’ these days include torture and other fine ‘tactics’ that make people in other parts of the world turn their backs on us. We might want – need – to march to express our feelings about torture executed in our name, as much as to express our horror at cartoonists we never heard of being the target of automatic weapons.
There are major armed conflicts going on in 6 different Arab countries, and ‘we’ play a part in all of them. We get up in the morning and prepare to march against violence in our own streets, but we should perhaps – also – protest the violence committed in our name on other people’s streets just as much. We may feel innocent as we’re marching, but that’s simply because we refuse to look at ourselves in the mirror. And we must be able to do better than that. Both to be the best we can be (which is still a valid goal), and to prevent future attacks.
And that’s not nearly the entire story. Our governments play ‘divide and rule’ both domestically and abroad. They play nations against each other in far away parts of the globe, and poor vs rich and generation vs generation at home. If you want a better world, don’t look at your leaders to make that happen. They like the world the way it is; it got them where they are. Moreover, they’re all beholden to numerous supra-national organizations that are the real power behind the throne across the globe; NATO, IMF, EU, World Bank et al.
If you want a better world, and one in which the risk of attacks like the one this week goes down, you’ll have to look at yourself first, and take it from there. Marching in a mostly self-righteous parade in which the wrong people form the first line is not going to do it. You’re not going to solve this sitting on your couch. Our world is not just financially bankrupt, and in deep debt to boot, it’s also about as morally broke as can be.
We therefore have to rethink our world just about from scratch. Or else. We’ve lived chasing the recovery carrot for years now, but the economy won’t recover; it can’t. There hasn’t been any real growth since at least the 1980s, the only thing there’s been is increasing debt levels that we mistook for growth.
A great first example of how to do this rethinking was provided late last year, and I referred to it before, by UofM Amherst economics professor James K. Boyce:
Imagine that without major new investments in adaptation, climate change will cause world incomes to fall in the next two decades by 25% across the board, with everyone’s income going down, from the poorest farmworker in Bangladesh to the wealthiest real estate baron in Manhattan. Adaptation can cushion some but not all of these losses. What should be our priority: reduce losses for the farmworker or the baron? For the farmworker, and a billion others in the world who live on about $1 a day, this 25% income loss will be a disaster, perhaps the difference between life and death.

Yet in dollars, the loss is just 25 cents a day. For the land baron and other “one-percenters” in the U.S. with average incomes of about $2,000 a day, the 25% income loss would be a matter of regret, not survival. He’ll find a way to get by on $1,500 a day. In human terms, the baron’s loss pales compared with that of the farmworker. But in dollar terms, it’s 2,000 times larger. Conventional economic models would prescribe spending more to protect the barons than the farmworkers of the world.
It’s how we think. Boyce describes it perfectly. We chase money, no questions asked, and even call it no. 1. And unless we change the way we think, one Manhattan land baron will be saved, and 1000 Bangla Deshi farmers and their entire families will either drown or be forced higher inland, where there are already too many people just like them. A dollar or a person. Our present economic models know which one to choose. But we should have more than mere economic models guide us.
Michael Lewis – yes, him – provides another wonderful example in the New Republic. I tried to make the quote as short as I could, but, hey, Lewis is .. Lewis. The original title was ‘Extreme Wealth Is Bad for Everyone – Especially the Wealthy’ (Getting rich won’t make you happy. But it will make you more selfish and dishonest). The Week turned in into this:
When I was 14, I met a man with a talent for restoring a sense of fairness to a society with vast and growing inequalities in wealth. His name was Jack Kenney, and he’d created a tennis camp, called Tamarack, in the mountains of northern New Hampshire. The kids who went to the Tamarack Tennis Camp mostly came from well-to-do East Coast families, but the camp itself didn’t feel like a rich person’s place: It wasn’t unusual for the local health inspectors to warn the camp about its conditions, or for the mother of some Boston Brahmin dropping her child off, and seeing where he would sleep and eat for the next month, to burst into tears.

Kenney himself had enjoyed a brief, exotic career as a professional tennis player — he’d even played a doubles match on ice with Fred Perry – but he was pushing 60 and had long since abandoned whatever interest he’d had in fame and fortune. He ran his tennis camp less as a factory for future champions than as an antidote to American materialism – and also to the idea that a person could be at once successful and selfish.

Jack Kenney’s assault on teenaged American inequality began at breakfast the first morning. The bell clanged early, and the kids all rolled out of their old stained bunk beds, scratched their fresh mosquito bites, and crawled to the dining hall. On each table were small boxes of cereal, enough for each kid to have one box, but not enough that everyone could have the brand of cereal he wanted. There were Froot Loops and Cheerios, but also more than a few boxes of the deadly dark bran stuff consumed willingly only by old people suffering from constipation.

On the second morning, when the breakfast bell clanged, a mad footrace ensued. Kids sprung from their bunks and shot from cabins in the New Hampshire woods to the dining hall. The winners got the Froot Loops, the losers a laxative. By the third morning, it was clear that, in the race to the Froot Loops, some kids had a natural advantage. They were bigger and faster; or their cabins were closer to the dining hall; or they just had that special knack some people have for getting whatever they want. Some kids would always get the Froot Loops, and others would always get the laxative. Life was now officially unfair.

After that third breakfast, Kenney called an assembly on a hill overlooking a tennis court. He was unkempt and a bit odd; wisps of gray hair crossed his forehead, and he looked as if he hadn’t bathed in a week. He was also kind and gentle and funny, and kids instantly sensed that he was worth listening to and wanted to hear what he had to say.

“You all live in important places surrounded by important people,” he’d begin. “When I’m in the big city, I never understand the faces of the people, especially the people who want to be successful. They look so worried! So unsatisfied!” Here his eyes closed shut and his hands became lobster claws, pinching and grasping the air in front of him. “In the city you see people grasping, grasping, grasping. Taking, taking, taking. And it must be so hard! To be always grasping-grasping, and taking-taking. But no matter how much they have, they never have enough. They’re still worried. About what they don’t have. They’re always empty.”

“You have a choice. You don’t realize it, but you have a choice. You can be a giver or you can be a taker. You can get filled up or empty. You make that choice every day. You make that choice at breakfast when you rush to grab the cereal you want so others can’t have what they want.”

On the fourth morning, no one ate the Froot Loops. Kids were thrusting the colorful boxes at each other and leaping on the constipation cereal like war heroes jumping on hand grenades. In a stroke, the texture of life in this tennis camp had changed, from a chapter out of Lord of the Flies to the feeling between the lines of Walden. Even the most fantastically selfish kids did what they could to contribute to the general welfare of the place, and there was not a shred of doubt that everyone felt happier for it. The distinction between haves and have-nots, winners and losers, wasn’t entirely gone, of course. But it became less important than this other distinction, between the givers and the takers.
So far for the Jack Kenney story. Michael Lewis continues:
What is clear about rich people and their money — and becoming ever clearer — is how it changes them. A body of quirky but persuasive research has sought to understand the effects of wealth and privilege on human behavior — and any future book about the nature of billionaires would do well to consult it.

One especially fertile source is the University of California at Berkeley psychology department lab overseen by a professor named Dacher Keltner. In one study, Keltner and his colleague Paul Piff installed note takers and cameras at city street intersections with four-way Stop signs. The people driving expensive cars were four times more likely to cut in front of other drivers than drivers of cheap cars.

The researchers then followed the drivers to the city’s crosswalks and positioned themselves as pedestrians, waiting to cross the street. The drivers in the cheap cars all respected the pedestrians’ right of way. The drivers in the expensive cars ignored the pedestrians 46.2% of the time – a finding that was replicated in spirit by another team of researchers in Manhattan, who found drivers of expensive cars were far more likely to double-park.

In yet another study, the Berkeley researchers invited a cross section of the population into their lab and marched them through a series of tasks. Upon leaving the laboratory testing room, the subjects passed a big jar of candy. The richer the person, the more likely he was to reach in and take candy from the jar — and ignore the big sign on the jar that said the candy was for the children who passed through the department.

Maybe my favorite study done by the Berkeley team rigged a game with cash prizes in favor of one of the players, and then showed how that person, as he grows richer, becomes more likely to cheat. In his forthcoming book on power, Keltner contemplates his findings:

If I have $100,000 in my bank account, winning $50 alters my personal wealth in trivial fashion. It just isn’t that big of a deal. If I have $84 in my bank account, winning $50 not only changes my personal wealth significantly, it matters in terms of the quality of my life — the extra $50 changes what bill I might be able to pay, what I might put in my refrigerator at the end of the month, the kind of date I would go out on, or whether or not I could buy a beer for a friend. The value of winning $50 is greater for the poor, and, by implication, the incentive for lying in our study greater. Yet it was our wealthy participants who were far more likely to lie for the chance of winning fifty bucks.

There is plenty more like this to be found, if you look for it. A team of researchers at the New York State Psychiatric Institute surveyed 43,000 Americans and found that, by some wide margin, the rich were more likely to shoplift than the poor. Another study, by a coalition of nonprofits called the Independent Sector, revealed that people with incomes below 25 grand give away, on average, 4.2% of their income, while those earning more than 150 grand a year give away only 2.7%. A UCLA neuroscientist named Keely Muscatell has published an interesting paper showing that wealth quiets the nerves in the brain associated with empathy.

If you show rich people and poor people pictures of kids with cancer, the poor people’s brains exhibit a great deal more activity than the rich people’s. “As you move up the class ladder,” says Keltner, “you are more likely to violate the rules of the road, to lie, to cheat, to take candy from kids, to shoplift, and to be tightfisted in giving to others. Straightforward economic analyses have trouble making sense of this pattern of results.”
But that wouldn’t work, you think? Not for you, not in today’s world, and certainly not for the political class? Well, we happen to have the example of a real life president of a nation who questions all we tend to think is ‘normal’. Back in October, HuffPo had this portrait of Uruguayan President JosΓ© Mujica. And please see this against the backdrop of US presidential candidates raising hundreds of millions of dollars even just for their preliminary campaigns.
Mujica says what I often have, that money should be kept out of a political system, because if it isn’t it will end up buying and eating that system whole. Too late for the US and Europe, but perhaps not for Uruguay.
People who like money too much ought to be kicked out of politics, Uruguayan President JosΓ© Mujica told CNN en EspaΓ±ol [..] “We invented this thing called representative democracy, where we say the majority is who decides,” Mujica said in the interview. “So it seems to me that we [heads of state] should live like the majority and not like the minority.” Dubbed the “World’s Poorest President” in a widely circulated BBC piece from 2012, Mujica reportedly donates 90% of his salary to charity.

Mujica’s example offers a strong contrast to the United States, where in politics the median member of Congress is worth more than $1 million and corporations have many of the same rights as individuals when it comes to donating to political campaigns. “The red carpet, people who play – those things,” Mujica said, mimicking a person playing a cornet. “All those things are feudal leftovers. And the staff that surrounds the president are like the old court.”

“I’m not against people who have money, who like money, who go crazy for money,” Mujica said. “But in politics we have to separate them. We have to run people who love money too much out of politics, they’re a danger in politics… People who love money should dedicate themselves to industry, to commerce, to multiply wealth. But politics is the struggle for the happiness of all.”

Asked why rich people make bad representatives of poor people, Mujica said: “They tend to view the world through their perspective, which is the perspective of money. Even when operating with good intentions, the perspective they have of the world, of life, of their decisions, is informed by wealth. If we live in a world where the majority is supposed to govern, we have to try to root our perspective in that of the majority, not the minority.”

“I’m an enemy of consumerism. Because of this hyperconsumerism, we’re forgetting about fundamental things and wasting human strength on frivolities that have little to do with human happiness.”

He lives on a small farm on the outskirts of the capital of Montevideo with his wife, Uruguayan Sen. Lucia Topolansky and their three-legged dog Manuela. He says he rejects materialism because it would rob him of the time he uses to enjoy his passions, like tending to his flower farm and working outside. “I don’t have the hands of a president,” Mujica told CNN. “They’re kind of mangled.”
Mujica is the kind of man, make that human being, who should be in charge of all countries. Money and politics don’t mix, or at least not in a democracy. And I don’t see any exceptions to that rule. Mujica is right: if and when the majority of people in a country are poor, which is true just about everywhere, and certainly in the Anglo world and most EU countries, then their president should be poor too.
And inevitably, if you would follow the example of your president, so should his people. Not dirt poor, not starving, just being content with basic necessities for you and your family. And then tend to your flower farm, or your vegetable farm, your kids.
Sounds stupid. I know. But we haven’t had any real growth in decades, and the wizard’s curtain is being lifted on the fake growth we did have since too. So maybe the economy’s not all that cyclical after all, or maybe the cycles are longer than we would like, Kondratieff 70 year like. Or even longer.
Ask anyone if they would like to have $1000, or $10,000 or $1 million or more, and you know that the answer would be. But Michael Lewis shows that none of it would make you any happier, if you already have – or make – enough to survive on. Still, it’s generally accepted that more is always good.
And then you have the president of Uruguay, admittedly a small country and in South America to boot, who says that only poor people can truly represent poor people, who will always be in the majority in whichever country you may live in, and that that is the core of democracy.
Here’s thinking we are absolutely clueless when it comes to the value of wealth, and that we keep chasing more of it because we’re not smart enough to recognize that value. And that that’s why we have torture and wars and all the other things that make us so ugly. We have absolutely no clue what the value of wealth is. And as long as we don’t, we shouldn’t have any. 

















Sunday

Do teeth actually help in digestion?

Do teeth help in digestion? How can we help our teeth? We can help our teeth in many ways, by eating vegetables, fruits, and good fats. We can help our teeth in many ways, many. We can eat foods that contain good acids like grains, rice, Vitamin C's, and most vitamins also cure cavity. 🦷



 Cavity's are also rotting teeth, which can easily fall off anytime. Teeth with cavities fall off always guaranteed, but we can make the process slower. To make it stick together we can eat light foods with good acids, and we can also brush our teeth after they fall off. Colgate contains many good acids that also clean your teeth and make them fresh 🧼, You should also clean/brush your teeth at least 2-3 times a day🌱.

 One in the morning, and one time at night. Why? Because, when you eat many foods in a day (like 15 bowls of biryani), then you'd clearly need to brush your teeth as food germs stay on your teeth, rot, then make a cavity, that's why brushing it off with Colgate makes them fresh, clean, and buttery smooth🧈. Eating minerals or soft, light liquids that wake your body up and give freshness to the teeth and mouth, For example green tea. Teeth problems are very serious, caring for your own teeth isn't something you should be afraid of or stop doing. Taking healthy vitamins, brushing your teeth, eating good foods, makes almost guaranteed no cavities Credits for the artwork used in this blog; Manha Ismail(My little sister)πŸ–Ό

SADNESS VS. DEPRESSION



There is difference between sadness and depression but you must know if sadness prolonged for more than 3 weeks it can lead to depression. If this is about sadness then it may be fine for sometime because u can get out of it after some time but depression is very serious issue.

People do not consider it as sickness but really it is... one should take it seriously because it effects on your self esteem and your mind completely.

we should know the difference between sadness and depression.Here we go..

DIFFERENCES

Sad people can tell reason easily while depressed people can not exactly tell the reason of his sadness both remain tearful but sad people cry for 1-2 times then he is fine because he is nit scared but depressed person always.remain tearful every time their energy and sound seems low.
Self esteem of sad people is not effected by their grief while depressed person's self esteem is deeply effected.
Depressed person forgets its root cause while in sadness person knows its root cause.
Depressed person feels like he is unworthy but sad people knows worth of himself.



Depressed person just wants to stay at his home or any safe place for him but sad people can join his favorite company of friends or family.
Depressed person thinks everyone hates them no one is understanding their situation no one is either interested in knowing about it everyone expects them to fulfill their needs.
Depressed person faces insomnia they can not sleep well because all the thoughts comes into their with imagination which scares them most and they don not want to face it off so they escape from their dreams but after sleep when again they are conscious state they just hate it because their continuous war in their own mind. 
SIMILARITIES
 Usually they both cry. They wants to cry most of the time because they carry some personal damage or grief to get some relief they want to release all the shit going in their head.
Avoid public gathering. People they don't let them be they ask to them to have fun and want to have conversations in which sad person is not interested.
Avoid any parties or family function. These people irritate them by asking questions while this person knows these people are not interested in them at all.
Prefer to listen sad music. Because they feel very low Their energy always remained drained.



Their nature seems to have complaining.They think no one is understanding them. Everyone expects them to fulfill their needs.
Weight loss problem. They get completely lost in their thoughts they forget to have a nice diet and take care of them.



BUT IN THE LAST I MUST SAY WHETHER IT IS SADNESS OR DEPRESSION YOU WILL OVERCOME IT BECAUSE MANY HAS DONE IT BEFORE YOU ARE A WARRIOR..!

difference between sadness and depression

Saturday

Did humans originate from microbes?


Each one of wants to know whom we descended from

We all are curious to figure out the lineage we belong to

Several genetic elements of our genome is a contribution from microorganism which are inseparable and are found in various parts of our system

As a matter of fact, the genes that form the human genome are more inclined towards microbial lineage because of their ubiquitous nature

Though the above statement is yet to be accepted and is debated by several scientific investigators, the involved actuality cannot be denied

It could be rightly said that time has been the witness to validate innumerable facts affiliated with human lineage. It’s quite obvious that we are inclined to know who our real ancestors are

It is human nature to know the roots that substantiates human affiliation with one of the most primitive living creatures- MICROORGANISMS

The origin of multi cellular organisms from unicellular creatures is always debatable and has been under the scientific scanner as many researchers in the past have attempted to comprehend the human-microbe affiliation

Several scientific demonstrators and researchers have scrutinized data ranging from fossils to genome in order to disclose several associated facts

Evolutionary biologist believe that humans have descended from single celled organisms but got branched off before two billion years

The term eukaryotes came in to existence about 2 to 3 billion years ago which encompassed membrane bound multi cellular organisms like plants, animals and these are very contrasting from the context of their cellular composition and genetic structure

It could be rightly said that the genetics of an organism makes it more inclined towards its own kind and humans are not exempted from this fact but certain records in the past believe that all the life forms on this earth originated from single celled organisms

The degree of diversity and intricacy observed in the current life forms have originated from a very basic living creatures that were unicellular

Comparison between a single and multi cellular organism would not serve the purpose of comprehending the human microbe affiliation but the vital insights from the context of phylogenetics and evolution can lay down the platform that will disclose the hidden facts

Scientist have examined a vast array of information ranging from cellular level to molecular level in order to decipher the authenticity of this stance

Some people consider this to be a claim, others regard this to be a hypothesis and many simply rule this out completely Whatever it may be, the real facts are still in dark and further investigations are required to figure out the reel and real aspect of the above statement

Effects of music in human body



The word music originates from the Greek word (mousse), which recommends "(art) of the Muses". In Ancient Greece, the Muses encased the goddesses of music, verse, craftsmanship, and move.

Music is an art, diversion, joy, contemplation, and medication for the spirit and the body, Music might be such a craftsmanship, partner articulation of feelings through consonant frequencies. Music is moreover such a redirection that puts sounds along in a very strategy that people like, notice eye catching or move to. 


An extraordinary methodology is to list the characteristics track must have, comprehensive of, a sound that has musicality, tune, pitch, tone, and numerous others. Numerous creators plot music as a composed blend of sound and quiet minutes. We should watch a model. A vehicle horn communicates sound and quiet in a composed manner.

Effect of Music on Our Body:

Music effects the human body, "Researchers have discovered that music invigorates a greater number of parts of the mind than some other human capacity." deductively demonstrate that music powerfully affects the brain, research shows that music can help in numerous parts of the brain, including reduction in pain, memory, and brain wounds, stress relief.

Music is read differently in the brain than non-musical tones and is associated with a wide range of zones of the brain. Learning music consigns a bigger aspect of the brain to recognizing and interpreting music. Tuning in to music has additionally been found to influence learning. 


A final product of music influences every thing of society with each age shaping the correct tune could make or ruin the scene in a film or set a sentimental mind-set at an eatery. therefore, music has been adulterating the minds of the today's world.

Music is one of the greatest noteworthy styles of fine art, and one of the most helpful for individuals as appropriately. Music bargains compelling, phenomenal results at the human edge, reducing risks of heart diseases, cancer, improving the immune system, and diminishing nonstop strain.

Music is also called as the recovery of electricity from depressions, as it might diminish your blood pressure, improve your immune machine and make you sense much less pressured. At long last, focus on the quiet melody, as surrounding, chill-out or living room, with the aim to fall asleep with comfortable brain, edge and highlight the sweetest dreams. 


It additionally encourages our mind work better by developing its intellectual capacities, intrigue, memory, and mindfulness. Moreover, music is a factor of socialization and empowers sorting out a discussion with surprising individuals and socialization.

Effect of Music on Our Behavior:
In view of an extraordinary number of studies, specialists guarantee that we as a whole react to music on a neurological level. Music influences our conduct, brain science and reality recognition. Music is utilized as a clinical treatment to help those, who experience the effects of a stroke or different conditions to recover.



Concluding, Music treatment helps in healing dangerous and some chronic diseases. However, we should be cautious about what sort of music we are tuning in to. In any case, we should be cautious roughly what sort of music we're tuning in to for example there are a couple of melodies which have discourteous language or injurious expressions which need to now not be heard through the kids in some other case they will keep them of their brain which isn't at all good for them. Be that as it may, generally speaking, music is valuable for us all and ought to be remembered for everybody's life.

Friday

War of Liberation of Bangladesh


War of Liberation of Bangladesh,
 The
War of Liberation, The began on 26 March 1971 and ended with the liberation of Bangladesh on 16 December 1971. The armed struggle was the culmination of a series of events, situations and issues contributing to the progressively deteriorating relations between East and West Pakistan. The questions of land reforms, state language, inter-wing economic and administrative disparities, provincial autonomy, the defense of East Pakistan and many other consequential questions had been straining the relations between the two wings of Pakistan ever since independence of the country from Britain in 1947.

The general elections of 1970 had made Bangabandhu sheikh mujibur rahman, chief of awami league which bagged 167 seats out of 169, the sole spokesman of the people of East Pakistan and majority leader in the Pakistan National Assembly. But the Pakistan civil and military ruling clique had refused to transfer power to the majority leader Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and his party. Sheikh Mujib also refused to yield to the pressure put on him for undue accommodation. Sheikh Mujib's historic address on 7 March 1971 made this point quite clear to the Pakistani military junta. Then began the civil disobedience movement. Meanwhile talks started between Sheikh Mujib and President Yahya Khan to resolve the outstanding issues.

While holding talks, the Pakistani military junta was bringing more troops to Bangladesh, and at the same time wantonly killing innocent civilians all over the country. This clearly showed that they were totally insincere about handing over power to the elected representatives of East Pakistan. No sooner the talks failed, the genocide began with the Pakistan army's crackdown on the people of East Pakistan on the midnight of 25 March 1971. The Bangali soldiers serving in the then Pakistan Armed Forces and para militia forces declared instantly their solidarity with the people's liberation war.


Genocide, 1971
The Pakistan Army was ordered to launch operation on Bangali people at midnight of 25 March. According to the plan for operation Search Light two headquarters were established. Major General Rao Farman Ali with 57 Brigade under Brigedier Arbab was responsible for operation in Dhaka city and its suburbs while Major General Khadim Raja was given the responsibility of the rest of the province. Lieutenant General Tikka Khan assumed the overall charge of the operation.

The students and the nationalist political activists put up resistance outside the cantonment. Road blocks were raised to obstruct the march of the Pakistani column to the city areas. The wireless set fitted jeeps and trucks loaded with troops groaned on the streets of Dhaka City at midnight of 25 March.

The first column of the Pakistan army faced obstruction at Farmgate, about one kilometre from the cantonment, due to a huge road block created by placing big tree trunks across the road. The hulks of old cars and unserviceable steam roller were also used in creating the blockade. Several hundred people chanted the slogan Joi Bangla which lasted for about 15 minutes. But soon guns silenced them. The army moved into the city before scheduled time and started the genocide.


Refugees, 1971
The military forces killed everybody in sight on the footpath and destroyed everything on their way. The tanks roared through the streets of Dhaka blasting indiscriminately at the people and official and residential buildings. They gunned down clusters of settlements and set fire on them. Scores of artillery bursts were pounded, while the tanks rumbled into the city roaring the main streets. The student halls of residence at Dhaka University were raided and numerous students residing there were brutally killed and maimed. They also killed many teachers of Dhaka University. The Hindu concentrated areas of old Dhaka were particularly targeted. They started killing the people, burnt their houses, looted their valuables and raped their women. The genocide that was perpetrated on the unarmed people was flashed in the world press. On the night of 25 March Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was taken prisoner by the Pakistan army.

There were spontaneous uprisings throughout Bangladesh following the declaration of independence on 26 March 1971. These uprisings were participated by government officials, political activists, students, workers, peasants, professionals and members of the public. After initial resistance, many freedom fighters crossed over into Indian territory to have safe sanctuary, due mainly to the enemy's overwhelming superiority of trained soldiers and modern weapons. The scattered and temporarily retreating rudimentary liberation forces were soon brought under a unified command.


Freedom fighters taking training
On 4 April, the senior officers of the liberation army assembled at the headquarters of 2nd East Bengal at Teliapara, a semi hilly area covered by tea gardens where Colonel MAG Osmany, Lieutenant Colonel Abdur Rob, Lieutenant Colonel Salahuddin Mohammad Reja, Major Kazi Nuruzzaman, Major Khaled Mosharraf, Major Nurul Islam, Major Shafat Jamil, Major Mainul Hossain Chowdhury and others were present. In this meeting four senior commanders were entrusted with the responsibility of operational areas. Sylhet-Brahmanbaria area was placed under the command of Major Shafiullah. Comilla-Noakhali area was given to Major Khaled Mosharraf while Chittagong-Chittagong Hill Tracts was given to Major Ziaur Rahman. Kushtia-Jessore area was placed under command of Major Abu Osman Chowdhury. In the meeting the organisational concept of the freedom fighter forces and the command structure were chalked out. Colonel MAG Osmany was to command the liberation forces, later named as mukti bahini.


Women fighters in parade, 1971
An exile government called the People's Republic of Bangladesh Government alias mujibnagar government was formed on 10 April with Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahaman as President of the Republic, Syed Nazrul Islam as Vice President and Tajuddin Ahmed as Prime Minister. On the day following Tajuddin Ahmed announced the names of three more regional commanders, Captain Newazish for Rangpur region, Major Najmul Haque for Dinajpur-Rajshahi-Pabna and Major Jalil for Barisal-Patuakhali region. All these regions were later named as sectors. All of Bangladesh was divided into eleven such sectors and different sub-sectors for operational purposes during the Sector Commander's conference held from 10 to 17 July 1971.

On 27 March, Prime Minister of India Mrs. Indira Gandhi expressed full support of her government to the freedom struggle of the Bangalis. Indian Border Security Force (BSF) opened Bangladesh-India border to allow the tortured and panic stricken Bangalis to have safe shelter in India. The governments of West Bengal, Bihar, Assam, Meghalaya and Tripura established refugee camps along the border. These camps became ready ground for recruitment of the freedom fighters. The students, peasants, workers and political activists joined the Mukti Bahini with high spirit to liberate Bangladesh from the Pakistan army. They were given training on tactics and the use of arms and explosives. On completion of training, they were posted to different sectors to fight the enemy. The headquarters of the Bangladesh Forces was established at 8 Theatre Road, Calcutta which started functioning from 12 April 1971. Lieutenant Colonel M A Rab and Group Captain A K Khandaker were appointed as Chief of Staff and Deputy Chief of Staff respectively.


Advancing guerrilla fighters
Besides Mukti Bahini, many other bahinis were organised inside Bangladesh at different places to fight Pakistan Army. These Bahinis included Kader Bahini of Tangail, Latif Mirza Bahini of Sirajganj, Akbar Hossain Bahini of Jhinaidah, Hemayet Bahini of Faridpur, Quddus Molla and Gafur Bahini of Barisal, Afsar Bahini of Mymensingh and Aftab Bahini of Mymensingh. A crack platoon consisting of daring youths operated most valiantly in Dhaka city as well. These bahinis were established as a local force based on their own strength taking part in a number of battles with the occupation army. Siraj Sikdar, leader of Sarbahara Party, also organised his force in Barisal. Another Bahini named as Mujib Bahini was organised in India with the active assistance of Major General Oban of the Indian army who was an expert in guerilla warfare. Mujib Bahini was trained at Dehradun. Student League leaders Sheikh Fazlul Haq Mani, Tofael Ahmed, Abdur Razzak and Sirajul Alam Khan were organisers of this Bahini.

Mukti Bahini consisted of the regular and the irregular forces. The regulars were later called 'Niamita Bahini' (regular force) and the irregulars were called 'Gana Bahini' (people's force). The regulars included East Bengal Regiment and EPR troops. The irregular forces, which after initial training joined different sectors, consisted of the students, peasants, workers and political activists.

Irregular forces were inducted inside Bangladesh territory to adopt guerilla warfare against the enemy. The regular forces were engaged in fighting in conventional way. The first conventional brigade named as 'Z' Force was created in July. Major Ziaur Rahman was appointed commander of this brigade and the brigade was named as 'Z' Force after the first letter of his name. This brigade consisted of 1, 3 and 8 East Bengal. Second regular brigade 'S' Force was created in October and consisted of 2 and 11 East Bengal. 'S' Force was named after the initial letter of the name of its commander Shafiullah. Similarly the 'K' Force created with 4, 9 and 10 East Bengal was commanded by Khaled Mosharraf.


Young freedom fighters
Bangladesh Air Force, which was organised by Air Commodore A K Khondaker, was created in Dimapur of Nagaland on 28 September. Squadron Leader Sultan Mahmud, Flight Lieutenant Badrul Alam, Captain Khaleq, Sattar, Shahabuddin, Mukit, Akram and Sharfuddin and 67 airmen initially joined the Bangladesh Air Force, which had only few Dakota, Auter type air plane and Aluvet helicopters.

Similarly, Bangladesh Navy was also established with the Naval troops deserted from the Pakistan Navy. On 9 November 1971, the first naval fleet 'Bangabandhu Naubahar' consisting of six small ships was inaugurated. The command structure of the Bangladesh Forces was fully organised with the regular brigades, sector troops and guerilla forces, the Bangladesh Air Force and the Navy.

The Mukti Bahini had fought many successful battles in putting up initial resistance. But within a short time, they were temporarily contained by the Pakistan army and were compelled to withdraw to the safe sanctuary in the Indian territory. The Mukti Bahini was, however, re-equipped, reorganised and retrained. As a result, it got into fighting with fresh zeal after April-May 1971.

At the international level, the United States of America and the People's Republic of China considered the crisis as an internal affair of Pakistan. On the other hand, India, Soviet Union and her allies, and general masses in Japan, and Western countries stood solidly behind Bangladesh. In order to gain strategic advantage vis-a-vis Sino-US-Pakistan axis, Indo-Soviet Friendship Treaty was signed on 9 August 1971. It provided a new dimension to the War of Liberation.

Having realised that the Pakistan army could not be defeated by conventional warfare method, it was decided to create large guerilla forces all over the country. All Sector commanders were accordingly ordered to recruit, train and induct guerillas inside the country.

The joint command of the Mukti Bahini and the Indian army was underway from November 1971. Lieutenant General Jagjit Singh Aurora, Commander, Eastern Command of Indian Army, became the commander of the joint forces. The joint command of the Mukti Bahini and the Indian Army, however, started operation from the evening of 3 December, when the Pakistan Air Force bombed Amritsar, Sreenagar and the Kashmir valley. Immediately, the Indian armed forces were ordered to hit back the Pakistan army and thus the Indo-Pak war broke out. The Mukti Bahini and the Indian army continued advancing inside Bangladesh and the defeat and surrender of the Pakistan army became a matter of time. International efforts for a cease-fire failed due to Soviet veto in the United Nations Security Council.

The Indian troops and the freedom fighters of Sector 11 reached Tongi on 14 December, and Savar in the morning of 16 December. Major General Jamshed, commander 36 Division of the Pakistan Army received Major General Nagra at Mirpur Bridge near Dhaka City. The Mukti Bahini and the Indian forces entered Dhaka city at 10.10 a. m. Major General Jacob, the chief of staff of the Indian Eastern Command landed at Dhaka airport at 1 p.m with the draft instrument of surrender.

A fleet of helicopters landed on the tarmac of Dhaka airport at about 4 p.m with Lieutenant General Aurora and his staff. Group captain AK Khandaker, deputy chief of staff, Bangladesh forces, represented the Mukti Bahini. Lieutenant General AAK Niazi received Lieutenant General Aurora. The instrument of surrender was signed by Lieutenant Jagit Sing Aurora and Lieutenant General Niazi at the Ramna Racecourse (now Suhrawardy Udyan) at one minute past 5 p.m on 16 December 1971. [Rafiqul Islam]

Sectors of War of Liberation In the War of Liberation in 1971 the whole geographical area of the then East Pakistan was strategically divided into eleven sectors with a sector commander for each of them. For better efficiency in military operations each of the sectors were divided into a number of sub-sectors under a commander.


Sector 1 comprised of the districts of Chittagong and Chittagong Hill Tracts, and the entire eastern area of the Noakhali district on the banks of the river Muhuri in the Belonia Bulge.. The headquarters of the sector was at Harina. The sector commander was Major Ziaur Rahman, later replaced by Major Rafiqul Islam. The five sub-sectors of this sector (and their commanders) were: Rishimukh (Captain Shamsul Islam); Sreenagar (Captain Matiur Rahman, later replaced by Captain Mahfuzur Rahman); Manughat (Captain Mahfuzur Rahman); Tabalchhari (Subedar Ali Hossain); and Dimagiri (a subedar).

A contingent of nearly ten thousand freedom fighters fought in this sector. They included about two thousand regular troops which comprised of 1400 EPR personnel, 200 policemen, 300 army personnel and 100 men from the navy and air force and about eight thousand paramilitary troops. The guerilla fighters of this sector were deputed to operate inside the country in 137 groups.

Sector 2 comprised of the districts of Dhaka, Comilla, and Faridpur, and part of Noakhali district. This sector was raised from the nucleus of 4 East Bengal and the EPR troops of Comilla and Noakhali. The sector was located at Melaghar about 20 miles south of Agartala. The sector commander was Major Khaled Mosharraf, later replaced by Major ATM Haider. About thirty five thousand guerilla fighters fought in this sector. Nearly six thousand of them were members of regular armed forces. The six sub-sectors of this sector (and their commanders) were: Gangasagar, Akhaura and Kasba (Mahbub, later replaced by Lieutenant Farooq, and Lieutenant Humayun Kabir); Mandabhav (Captain Gaffar); Shalda-nadi (Abdus Saleq Chowdhury); Matinagar (Lieutenant Didarul Alam); Nirbhoypur (Captain Akbar, later replaced by Lieutant Mahbub); and Rajnagar (Captain Jafar Imam, later replaced by Captain Shahid, and Lieutenant Imamuzzaman). Due to the operations of this sector the Dhaka-Chittagong highway in between Comilla and Feni was denied to the Pakistanis throughout the nine months of war of liberation. One of the most successful operations of this sector was the defence of the Belonia Bulge. The entries Belonia Bulge was kept liberated by the combined forces of 1 and 2 sectors till 21 June. In this sector, a number of regular companies operated deep inside Bangladesh. These were the Noakhali Company under subeder Lutfar Rahman operating around Begumganj, the Chandpur Company under subeder Zahirul Alam Khan operating in Chandpur Matlab area, a large force under Captain Abdul Halim Chowdhury operating in Manikganj-Munshiganj area in Dhaka and a force under Captain Shawkat at Faridpur. The urban guerrillas carried out a number of successful operations in Dhaka city itself.

Sector 3 comprised of the area between Churaman Kathi (near Sreemangal) and Sylhet in the north and Singerbil of Brahmanbaria in the south. The sector commander was Major KM Shafiullah, later replaced by Major ANM Nuruzzaman. This sector was formed by some of the troops of 2 East Bengal and the EPR troops of Sylhet and Mymensingh. The sector headquarters was at Hejamara. Nineteen guerilla bases operated in this sector. By November 1971, the number of the guerilla fighters in the sector stood at nearly thirty thousand. They blew up a number of bridges on Comilla-Sylhet road which cut off Pakistan army's lines of communication. One of their most successful operations was the blowing up of a train by anti-tank mine near Shayestaganj. The ten sub-sectors of this sector (and their commanders) were: Asrambari (Captain Aziz, later replaced by Captain Ejaz); Baghaibari (Captain Aziz, later replaced by Captain Ejaz); Hatkata (Captain Matiur Rahman); Simla (Captain Matin); Panchabati (Captain Nasim); Mantala (Captain MSA Bhuyan); Vijoynagar (Captain MSA Bhuyan); Kalachhara (Lieutenant Majumdar); Kalkalia (Lieutenant Golam Helal Morshed); and Bamutia (Lieutenant Sayeed).

Sector 4 comprised of the area from Habiganj sub-division of Sylhet district on the north to Kanaighat thana on the south along the 100 mile long border with India. The sector was organised from amongst the EPR troops of Sylhet and student freedom fighters. The sector commander was Major Chittarajan Datta, later replaced by Captain A Rab. The headquarters of the sector was initially at Karimganj and later at Masimpur in Assam. The freedom fighters in this sector included about nine thousand guerilla fighters and about four thousand regular members of the armed forces. The six sub-sectors of this sector (and their commanders) were: Jalalpur (Masudur Rab Sadi); Barapunji (Captain A Rab); Amlasid (Lieutenant Zahir); Kukital (Flight Lieutenant Kader, later replaced by Captain Shariful Haq); Kailas Shahar (Lieutenant Wakiuzzaman); and Kamalpur (Captain Enam).


Sector 5 comprised of the area from Durgapur to Dauki (Tamabil) of Sylhet district and the entire area upto the eastern borders of the district. Sector commander was Major Mir Shawkat Ali. The headquarters of the sector was at Banshtala. The sector was composed of 800 regulars and 5000 guerillas. The sector covered most of the marshy areas of Sunamganj and Chhatak. The six sub-sectors of this sector (and their commanders) were: Muktapur (Subedar Nazir Hossain, freedom fighter Faruq was second in command); Dauki (Subedar Major BR Chowdhury); Shela (Captain Helal, who had two assistant commanders, Lieutenant Mahbubar Rahman and Lieutenant Abdur Rauf); Bholaganj (Lieutenant Taheruddin Akhunji who had Lieutenant SM Khaled as assistant commander); Balat (Subedar Ghani, later replaced by Captain Salahuddin and Enamul Haq Chowdhury); and Barachhara (Captain Muslim Uddin). Troops of this sector blew up a number of bridges on Sylhet, Tamabil and Sylhet-Sunamgonj roads. The most successful operation of this sector was the raid on Chhatak.

Sector 6 comprised of entire Rangpur district and Thakurgaon subdivision of Dinajpur district. The sector was formed mostly from EPR troops of Rangpur and Dinajpur. Wing Commander M Khdemul Bashar was the sector commander. The headquarters of the sector was at Burimari near Patgram, and this was the only sector which had its headquarters inside Bangladesh territory. The number of soldiers in this sector was 700, which rose to about eleven thousand in December consisting of 2000 regular force and 9000 Gana Bahini. The five sub-sectors of the sector (and their commanders) were: Bhajanpur (Captain Nazrul, later replaced by Squadron leader Sadruddin and Captain Shahriyar); Patgram (initially, some junior commissioned officers of the EPR, and later Captain Matiur Rahman); Sahebganj (Captain Nawazesh Uddin); Mogalhat (Captain Delwar); and Chilahati (Flight Lieutenant Iqbal). The northern areas of Rangpur district were held by the troops of this sector. The guerillas of this sector established 35 bases all over Rangpur and Dinajpur.

Sector 7 comprised of the districts of Rajshahi, Pabna, Bogra and southern part of Dinajpur district. This sector was organised from the EPR troops who had given the initial battles at Rajshahi under Captain Ghiyas and Captain Rashid. The sector commander was Major Nazrul Haq, later replaced by Subedar Major A Rab and Major Kazi Nuruzzaman. The headquarters of the sector was at Tarangapur near Balurghat. About 2500 regulars and 12500 guerillas fought in this sector. The eight sub-sectors of the sector (and their commanders were): Malan (initially some junior commanding officers, and later Captain Mohiuddin Jahangir); Tapan (Major Nazmul Haq, later replaced by some junior commanding officers of the EPR); Mehdipur (Subedar Iliyas, later replaced by Captain Mahiuddin Jahangir); Hamzapur (Captain Idris); Anginabad (a freedom fighter); Sheikhpara (Captain Rashid); Thokrabari (Subedar Muazzam); and Lalgola (Captain Gheyasuddin Chowdhury). The troops of this sector raided Maheskanda and Paragpur in June and the Mohanpur police station in August inflicting heavy casualties to the enemy. Captain Idris, commander of the Hamzapur sub-sector, ambushed several Pakistani columns and blew up a train near Parbatipur.


Pak prisoners captured by freedom fighters
Sector 8 In April 1971, the operational area of the sector comprised the districts of Kushtia, Jessore, Khulna, Barisal, Faridpur and Patuakhali. At the end of May the sector was reconstituted and comprised the districts of Kusthia, Jessore and Khulna, Satkhira sub-division, and the northern part of Faridpur district. The sector commander was Major Abu Osman Chowdhury, later replaced by Major MA Manzur. The headquarters of the sector was at Kalyani. The sector had 3000 regulars and 25,000 guerillas. The regular forces held a number of liberated areas while the guerillas established several bases deep inside Bangladesh. In this sector a new tactics was followed. Regular troops were made to infiltrate 7 of 8 miles inside Bangladesh and take up all-round defence around a tactical feature, thereby inviting the Pakistan army to attack on them. By doing so, they inflicted heavy casualties to the attacking enemy. The seven sub-sectors of the sector (and their commanders) were: Boyra (Captain Khondakar Nazmul Huda); Hakimpur (Captain Shafiq Ullah); Bhomra (Captain Salahuddin, later replaced by Captain Shahabuddin); Lalbazar (Captain AR Azam Chowdhury); Banpur (Captain Mostafizur Rahman); Benapole (Captain Abdul Halim, later replaced by Captain Tawfiq-e-Elahi Chowdhury); and Shikarpur (Captain Tawfiq-e-Elahi Chowdhury, later replaced by Lieutenant Jahangir).


Delighted freedom fighters
Sector 9 comprised of the districts of Barisal and Patuakhali, and southern part of Khulna and part of Faridpur district. The headquarters of the sector was established at Taki near Bashirhat. The sector commander was Major M Jalil, later replaced by Major MA Manzur and Major Joynal Abedin. The sector had about 20,000 freedom fighters. The three sub-sectors of the sector were: Taki, Hingalganj, and Shamshernagar. In this sectror even regular troops operated deep inside Bangladesh. Captain Shahjahan Omar led a large group of guerillas in Barisal. Captain Mehdi Ali Imam operated in Patuakhali from an established base. Lt Zia organised a huge force in Sundarbans. Captain Huda commanded the bulk of the regular troops near the border. He captured Uksha border outpost in June and kept it liberated throughout. The troops of this sector also raided Debhata Shyamnagar police stations. The water channels of Barisal-Patuakhali area mostly dominated by river patrolling. Prior to the final offensive in December this sector was merged with sector 8 and placed under the command of Major Manzoor.


Lt. Gen. Niazi signs surrender document at Ramna Racecourse
Sector 10 This sector was constituted with the naval commandos. Eight Bangali officers of Pakistan Navy trained in France were the pioneers in forming this force. These officers were Ghazi Mohammad Rahmatullah (Chief Petty Officer), Syed Mosharraf Hossain (Petty Officer), Amin Ullah Sheikh (Petty Officer); Ahsan Ullah (M E-1), AW Chowdhury (RO-1), Badiul Alam (ME-1), AR Miah (EN-1), Abedur Rahman (Steward-1). These eight officers were given special training on the river Jamuna near Delhi under the auspices of the Indian Navy. They were joined by a number of sailors who had defected from Pakistan Navy. A group of 150 student volunteers were selected from various sectors who were known to be good swimmers and sent to this camp for training. They were trained in fragmenship and use of limpet mines for destruction of ships and vessels. On completion of training in the first week of August, four groups were sent to the ports of Chittagong, Narayanganj, Daudkandi and Mongla for destruction and saboteering of coastal vessels anchored there. On the day of independence of Pakistan, all the four groups striked simultaneously and destroyed a good number of ships and other vessels. The Chittagong group led by AW Choudhury destroyed seven ships including the Pakistani cargo ships MV Ohrmazd and MV Al-Abbas which were carrying huge tonnages of military cargo. Later in October and November, a few more similar operations were carried out sucessfully and a good number of sea-going and coastal vessels were sunk in the ports all over Bangladesh. The force was later commanded by Indian commander MN Sumanta.

Sector 11 comprised of the districts of Tangail and Mymensingh excluding Kishoreganj sub-division. Major M Abu Taher was the sector commander. After Major Taher was seriously wounded in a battle, he was replaced by Squadron Leader Hamidullah. The headquarters of the sector was at Mahendraganj. About twenty five thousand freedom fighters fought in this sector. The eight sub-sectors of the sector (and their commanders) were: Mainkarchar (Squadron Leader Hamidullah); Mahendraganj (Lieutenant Mizan); Purakhasia (Lieutenant Hashim); Dhalu (Lieutenant Taher Ahmed, later replaced by Lieutenant Kamal); Rangra (Matiur Rahman); Shivabari (some junior commanding officers of the EPR); Bagmara (some junior commanding officers of the EPR); and Maheshkhola (a member of the EPR). Guerilla activities were predominant in this sector, and regular forces held librated areas near the border. subedar Aftab held a huge chunk of liberated territory at Rahumani throughout the nine months of the war. In this sector, even women took up arms to fight the Pakistanis. Besides, Quader Siddiqi, a renowned free lance freedom fighter from Tangail, organized 16,000 guerillas in his district and carried out a number of successful operations against the Pakistan army quite independently. 

Various 🌍Offers🎁

 Welcome, Citizens of All countries of the world.  Free Products for you ❤️